Brexit Quotes
Most Famous Brexit Quotes of All Time!
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Brexit is a major concern for us, and it should be a major concern for all of us who live in the U.K. and operate out of the U.K.
If the hard Brexit happens, I would assume that London wouldn't be the centre of the tech world in Europe.
I don't think anybody has any idea what the economic impact of Brexit will be.
Uncertainty of any sort results in volatility, and Brexit will be no exception.
Italy is working to make sure the Brexit shock is an opportunity for a European reawakening.
Yet we have learned from the Scottish independence vote and with Brexit what referendums do to our politics. They foster bitter divisions in ways that parliamentary elections tend not to do.
Although economic grievances were critical in delivering the referendum result, Brexit has fomented an all-out culture war.
Of course we’ve got to deliver Brexit; but then we’ve got to win a majority by appealing to aspirational people in the centre ground of British politics, where there’s a gaping hole.
The British have chosen liberty with Brexit and can congratulate themselves every day.
A no deal Brexit could bring Britain to a grinding halt and threaten the wellbeing of our country.
If 'Brexit' really is a political crisis, it should be treated as a political crisis - and not, despite all the market upheaval, a financial or economic one.
Brexit is so important, it would have been neglect of duty to simply sit it out.
We need a transitional Brexit deal that provides maximum certainty and stability. Labour will deliver it.
There is no upside for the U.K. in Brexit. Only costs that can be avoided and advantages to be seized by remaining in Europe. No one should have to pay the Brexit tax.
Those who argue for Brexit are wrong, and that is because they have not been properly informed about the costs.
Brexit is a disaster, Italy won't be real about its debt, and the European Union is in trouble.
The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.
Brexit has divided the country. It has divided political parties. And it has divided families too.
When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.
No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.'s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.
As the Bank of England has noted, Brexit is a unique experiment in the reimposition of protectionist barriers to trade.
Given that the reality of Brexit has turned out to be so far from what was once promised, the democratic thing to do is to give the public the final say.
Suspension of disbelief is a necessary ingredient in all storytelling. So it has been with the government's narrative that it is delivering Brexit.
I don't think the British people really knew the ramifications of what would happen after Brexit or not.
The Brexit vote, the presidential elections in the U.S., a number of the other regional political movements - that's not a flash in the pan.
A failure to listen to the party's grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May - particularly over Brexit.
I am Brexit tooth and claw, but we need to be pragmatic and sensible and leave with a deal.
I fought for MPs to have the right to vote on article 50 not because I was against Brexit, but because I was, and remain passionately, an advocate of parliamentary sovereignty.
The closer we come to the Greek tragedy that is Brexit, the more horrifying it is to behold.
It is obvious to voters that Brexit has caused both of our principal parties to take leave of their traditional and historic purposes and principles, if not also their senses.
I never doubted that our parliamentarians would vote to trigger article 50 but I expected a detailed, pragmatic debate around the options of how to execute Brexit and the processes involved.
Poll after poll has shown that a no-deal Brexit is emphatically not what the public wants - whatever the Leave campaign-staffed No 10 press office may tell lobby correspondents.
Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis - tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.
Sovereignty is not just at the national level; that's the mistake of Brexit that other people make.
We have to be extremely strict on the implementation of Brexit so there is a common approach between member states. We must avoid a sector-by-sector or country-by-country approach, and ask the U.K. to be clear.
Some in favour of Brexit are so fixated on leaving the E.U., they keep arguing that any attempt to change it is some form of sabotage.
Putting the Withdrawal Bill in order is an essential step to stability and achieving a reasonable outcome to Brexit.
Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it is overwhelmingly clear that in the short to medium term it carries risks to our economy and security.
Notice of leaving the E.U. under Article 50, for which most of us voted, provides a mechanism for extending the negotiating period by agreement if this is necessary. It is not to undermine Brexit to insist it is carried out correctly.
No one is going to thank us afterwards for a Brexit that reduces people's quality of life.
Jeremy Corbyn has shown no ability to provide solutions for Brexit whatsoever.
A Brexit with a poor outcome will damage our country and lead to years of further division.
A no deal Brexit is a proposal so damaging to our future that it cannot be accepted.
We have collectively to face up to the fact that in the two main political parties there are substantial disagreements on the best form Brexit should take.
From the immediate abandonment of the promise of an extra £350m for the NHS, the history of Brexit is already littered with discarded and unfulfillable promises.
The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.
It's irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
We've seen with Brexit and other things that there's a dark impulse to be petulant and frustrated with complicated solutions.
The key to stopping the hard-right nationalist forces poised to pounce on Brexit isn't going to be finessing a reprieve for the status quo. It's about actively creating consent for meaningful change, and expanding democratic participation beyond a second referendum.
If we had a vote in parliament, the majority of MPs would not vote for a hard Brexit.
There's a way that we can deliver a Brexit that works for our country, and the really interesting thing is the amount of Tory MPs working with Labour MPs, forming that consensus.
If I was prime minister, there would be absolutely zero risk that Brexit wouldn't happen.
We didn't do Brexit. We didn't get money for it. We didn't do work for it. We didn't sign a contract.
We were looking at different opportunities to get involved in working with Brexit but we made the decision to not work with any party - for or against - or even for any related campaigns.
We don't see any material impact of Brexit, either in the U.K. or in the neighbouring countries and the U.K.'s trading partners.
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