Emmanuel Macron Quotes

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Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis - tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.

The refugee crisis shows we can't be isolated from the world's geopolitical troubles.

We're not isolated from the world. The world knocks on our door.

To create greater convergence, we need more intergration.

You can block a marriage, but you cannot force a marriage.

Popularity isn't my compass. Unless it can help one to act, to be understood... that's what counts.

A Left that does nothing achieves nothing.

Leaving the E.U. would mean the 'Guernseyfication' of the U.K., which would then be a little country on the world scale. It would isolate itself and become a trading post and arbitration place at Europe's border.

If I was British, I would vote resolutely 'remain' because it's in the U.K.'s interest.

If the U.K. wants a commercial access treaty to the European market, the British must contribute to the European budget like the Norwegians and the Swiss do. If London doesn't want that, then it must be a total exit.

To avoid the trap of Europe fragmenting on the economy, security, and identity, we have to return to the original promises of the European project: peace, prosperity and freedom. We should have a real, adult, democratic debate about the Europe we want.

Without investment, you cannot have jobs.

Historically speaking, the French economy was largely driven by the demand side.

France has to reform, to recover, and get more competitiveness.

What we need is much more flexibility for the labour markets.

France has to accelerate in terms of reform.

The refugee crisis is a challenge for the whole of Europe, and Europe - it's a very fair point to say it's not just a security issue. It's also an economic issue.

It's about our ability precisely to integrate a people and offer jobs, and that, for me, is one of the key rationales of the reforms I'm pushing, and I'm a strong believer in that when you lift barriers, when you deregulate a lot of stuff, basically you improve the equality of opportunities.

If people do not believe in Europe and in the euro area, it must be dismantled.

The status quo leads to self-destruction.

I am not a socialist.

I learned the life of business, commerce - it's an art.

The best way to afford a suit is to work.

I don't want a tailor-made approach where the British have the best of two worlds. That will be too big an incentive for others to leave and kill the European idea, which is based on shared responsibilities.

I am attached to a strict approach to Brexit: I respect the British vote, but the worst thing would be a sort of weak E.U. vis-a-vis the British.

We need to restore democracy and sovereignty in Europe.

Sovereignty is not just at the national level; that's the mistake of Brexit that other people make.

If approval was a criterion in this country, nothing would ever get done.

Honesty compels me to say that I am not a socialist. But so what?

The functioning of our society is in a certain way sclerotic.

I am a newcomer. I want to remain a newcomer. That is my DNA.

We need people who dream impossible things, who maybe fail, sometimes succeed, but in any case who have that ambition.

De facto, you have a multi-speed Europe. You look at the Schengen, you look at the euro zone, all this kind of cooperations, you have a multi-speed Europe.

You need basically some accountability rules, which means democratic checks and balances at the euro zone level, and definitely, you have to increase convergence in terms of taxes, in terms of social affairs and so on.

What we need is a common goal for more Europe.

France is back.

We need to go faster on structural reforms in France.

The doctors, whether based in Brussels or Paris, draw the same conclusions and write the same prescriptions.

Europe's younger generation has only experienced austerity.

We have a huge responsibility to make sure that Europe remains a prosperous and peaceful continent.

The state has an offensive and defensive role to play as promoter of industrial policies, as regulator and as shareholder.

A romantic or classical view of the French approach would have been to say, 'It's a French company; let no one attack it. Let's block any merger. But the reality is Alcatel-Lucent is not a French company; it's a global company. Its main markets are China and the U.S. Its ownership is foreign; most of its managers aren't French.

What matters to me is to find rational solutions for those that are facing difficulties so that France preserves jobs and its ability to innovate.

I want France to become the European hub for R&D.

The financial passport is part of full access to the E.U. market, and a precondition for that is the contribution to the E.U. budget. That has been the case in Norway and in Switzerland. That is clear.

We have the eurozone. Could we accept to be cleared, regulated, and de facto have inflows and outflows from a country that has decided to leave the E.U.? For me, definitely not.

We have to be extremely strict on the implementation of Brexit so there is a common approach between member states. We must avoid a sector-by-sector or country-by-country approach, and ask the U.K. to be clear.

I am not just a liberal movement. I come from the progressive Left. I am trying to refresh and counter the system.

We back Hinkley Point project. It's very important for France; it's very important for the nuclear sector and EDF.

I kept trying, proposing, pushing... If you want to succeed, you cannot leave work half done, and unfortunately, many things were left half done. The choice was made not to launch a second wave of economic reforms that I was proposing.

I push reforms. I tell the truth to people, even when it's tough for the country.

Popularity isn't an objective in itself. I'm not in this game.

I'm not a movie star, and I don't want to become a movie star.

We need young Frenchmen who want to become billionaires.

We've created rigidities at the entrance point in artisanal occupations.

Believe in individual initiatives, in courage, in risk.

You can suddenly have a series of countries waking up and saying, 'I want the same status as the Brits,' which will be, de facto, the dismantling of the rest of Europe.

We should not replicate the situation where one country is in a situation to hijack the rest of Europe because they organize a referendum.

You need a debate and a vote on the principles: Do you want more Europe or less Europe? Do you believe we are more efficient with defense and security with Europe, or not? Do you believe we are more efficient for our companies with or without Europe? Those are the questions we have to discuss and push our people to vote on it.

Even if the Brits decide to remain, we will have to avoid a contagion on other countries.

I have a vision of my country, and I cannot sit and watch things pass by.

I don't have luxurious tastes or great needs, but my independence is worth a lot to me.

I come all wreathed in a reputation the press has made for me. Judge me on my actions. That's all that counts.

We have a lack of growth in Europe, in eurozone, and in France, and we are struggling hard to recover and restore this growth.

We are implementing an in-depth reform on labor market, not to reduce rights for workers but to provide more visibility and more efficiency to investors and employers because it's the key for job creation.

E.U. is the first global domestic market.

We have to breathe new life into Europe.

I touched the limits of our political system, which pushes one to last-minute compromises. Explanations are rarely given. It plays to people's fears because it hasn't built an ideological consensus. It produces flawed solutions and too often ignores reality.

To think that our political organisation is immutable is the best way to hand the country over to the extremes.

Consolidation means less equipment, less networks, and less jobs.

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