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I don't actually subscribe to the view that all power corrupts. But absolute power - when secured on the back of massive parliamentary majorities, which don't reflect the balance of political opinion in the country - can corrupt absolutely.

'Federalism', in the context of political and media usage in Britain, has come to mean the creation and imposition of a European superstate, one centralised in Brussels.

We need less theoretical debate and more practical application and acknowledgment of what Europe can and does do so that it is brought home to people in a relevant way.

As Liberal Democrats and proponents of federalism, we must put our heads above the parapet and recapture and disseminate the true meaning of federalism. We have to win the vocabulary before we succeed in the vision.

When I started knocking on Highland doors in May 1983, two things struck me more than any other. First was the sheer depth of hostility towards the Tories in general. Second was the particular hostility towards Margaret Thatcher and her local ministerial spear-carrier, energy minister and incumbent MP of 13 years' standing, Hamish Gray.

As I spread my wings in politics, I discovered many Thatcher voters down south who were the same kind of people who loathed her in Scotland. They were puzzled by the Scots' antipathy, given the Falklands war and the strong militaristic history of the Highlands and elsewhere.

Like John Major in her wake, Thatcher was convinced that she understood the Scots - yet couldn't understand why we remained so stubbornly resistant towards the notion of understanding her.

That 1983 general election contained the telltale seeds of eventual Scottish Tory self-destruction.

I have always considered myself of the reforming centre-left.

The House of Lords has many fine aspects, but at its heart, it is a betrayal of the core democratic principle that those in the enlightened world hold so dear - that those who make the laws of the land should be elected by those who must obey those laws.

Labour politicians for generations have fought to bring democracy to the House of Lords.

We must restore faith in politics. Reform of the House of Lords is only one part of the answer, but it is a vital one.

A smaller-size party and parliamentary membership does not necessarily equate to lesser demands; if anything, the opposite can be the case.

As a Scot, representing a Scottish constituency for almost the past 25 years, I do not harbour an overweening ambition to pronounce on each and every matter exclusively English.

As someone who has led his party through two general elections, I have not always been immune from feeling the pressure of electioneering tactics.

I did not dwell on the issue of Europe during either the 2001 or the 2005 campaigns - despite it being a pivotal personal concern and despite seeing it as something of a litmus test for liberal democracy.

The growing influence of focus groups means we are all in danger of being excessively cowed by their feedback.

Public perception of the Westminster arena, with all its posturings, does little to engender a sense of voter belief.

Good political leadership for me involves getting the big decisions right - however difficult, however controversial, however potentially divisive - and then being able to take people with you.

It is my determination that we, as a party, continue to make that fundamental restatement of liberal values in the politics of our country.

It is the government's fundamental duty to ensure the security of every individual citizen.

Just as we Liberal Democrats opposed the flawed logic of that war in Iraq - we will oppose the flawed government claim that we have to surrender our fundamental rights in order to improve our security.

We believe that government in Britain should improve the quality of people's lives and improve the quality of our public services in every local community.

We believe that government in Britain should be working to restore our reputation on the international stage after Iraq and engage better within Europe.

We want a strong, vibrant economy for Britain so that we can set out a clear and affordable alternative programme for government.

We believe that government in Britain is there to protect people from terrorism and from the worst criminality, but never at the expense of our civil liberties and the basic tenets of our legal system.

If British troops are committed to action, then the nation will, of course, support them. Their courage and skill is not in doubt.

It would be a tragedy if the remarkable international coalition against terrorism, successfully marshalled in the aftermath of 11 September, were to fragment over a unilateral U.S. strike against Baghdad.

We all accept the world would be safer without Saddam's baleful dictatorship.

It must be a judge - never a politician - who decides whether someone is to be locked up.

Tony Blair took us to war in Iraq on the basis of the supposed threat of Saddam's weapons of mass destruction.

I believe that our country is a richer, more vibrant society precisely because it is a multi-racial, multi-ethnic society.

This country has a proud history of opening its doors to generations of people fleeing personal persecution, civil unrest and war.

We opposed unlimited detention without trial. We stood up for trial by jury as well. And of course we spoke up for asylum seekers and for the most vulnerable in our society.

Only the Liberal Democrats have probed the government's failings consistently, thoroughly and effectively.

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