Carrie Lam Quotes
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Someone said I have had my popularity diminished by getting into the controversy of national education. Perhaps they are right.
I said before that I didn't care much about my popularity. But did I make use of it? Yes.
I'm fine with criticism against me.
I am very careful about my health... For example, I have body check-ups regularly and take some medicines to control my blood pressure, because I have a little bit high blood pressure.
Now, walking in the streets, people seem to have become richer and more willing to consume. It seems like everybody is ushering in a better future. This has given me great satisfaction and driven me to do more.
Facebook is actually very easy to use. It's not a difficult thing to me. I just write down a bit of my daily feelings.
Fashion design is an important part of the creative industry that means the most to women.
I am the first female chief executive of Hong Kong.
If I paid more attention to my appearance, people might think that the proficiency of design industry isn't too bad in a city with such a chief executive.
Every day, I tell myself, 'It will be better if I spend more time on thinking about good ideas and working instead of watching TV or shopping.'
I believe the absolute majority of Hongkongers have never felt that Hong Kong independence is a viable option.
An affection for Hong Kong and a national identity are not mutually exclusive. We can let children learn more about Hong Kong's history, culture, politics, and social development, and at the same time, we must make them have their national identity.
Some people advocate public nomination and a three-track system - allowing voters and political parties to make nominations along with the committee. These people do not want any screening of candidates, but they have not clearly defined the concept of 'screening.'
Any proposal that would usurp or water down the rights of the nominating committee would not be able to receive political support.
Instead of wasting time on proposals which are difficult to forge consensus on, such as public nomination and party nomination, it's better to focus the discussion on how to form the nominating committee and the nomination process.
Usually, even when a bill draws extreme opinions, there can be a process of expression and negotiation.
It's neither appropriate nor responsible if I drastically amend a policy after one, two, or three submissions of opinion.
We want Hong Kong to do well.
Our common goal is to keep Hong Kong from chaos, severe polarisation, and violence.
You cannot appreciate the sense of satisfaction that I get from my job.
I set very high standards, normally for myself. For other people, I try to lower my standards.
During the formulation of policies, we encourage discussion and listen. We should canvass opinions from all sectors of society - especially relevant stakeholders, those who work on the front line, and the youth - with a view to seeking consensus in society.
There is no question of the government or myself attaching less importance to the use of English.
There should be no doubt about my commitment to responding to questions from reporters in the same language that the question is asked.
I grew up here with all other Hongkongers. My love for this place has prompted me to make many personal sacrifices.
I have a husband at home who doesn't care about politics or global affairs.
Let's face reality. To ensure Hong Kong remains competitive, we have to uphold a very low tax regime.
There is no point helping some people when, the next day or when the next family comes into your office, you are not able to help them.
If the chief executive cannot have a party background, how can she ensure her team is wholeheartedly united?
I will comprehensively review the education system with my team to create a stable, caring, and inspiring environment for students, parents, teachers, and principals.
We will value public engagement.
Good policies need to come with good visions.
The SCMP, in short, reveals the renewed spirit of Hong Kong driven by my government - connect and excel - and in its passionate commitment to the community.
I am confident the SCMP and Hong Kong will continue to grow and prosper, hand in hand, in this 21st century of opportunity.
As a chief executive determined to lead Hong Kong to new heights, I am keenly aware of the immense responsibilities on my shoulders.
The path for the democratic development of Hong Kong since the return to the motherland has been full of twists and turns. We have had some successes and some failures.
Sometimes, government officials and legislators disagree on policies or issues. Yet, we invariably want the best for Hong Kong people.
In the back of my mind, always, is the firmly held belief that public policies must serve the long-term interests and well-being of the community at large.
I do believe Hong Kong's 5 million eligible voters want the chance to elect their chief executive.
When Hong Kong was under British administration, governors were dispatched from London to govern this city. We had no say in the matter.
Although universal suffrage may not be a panacea for all social problems, it does have a profound bearing on the democratic development and governance of a place.
Those who care about constitutional development should look beyond universal suffrage for the chief executive election and turn their sights to universal suffrage for Legco as well.
With universal suffrage, every chief executive candidate must face the seven million people of Hong Kong, explain his or her political platform and mission, and win over the people by addressing their interests and concerns.
Governance under a chief executive elected by universal suffrage will give fresh impetus to economic and livelihood policies.
Most elderly are retirees with relatively low incomes. But some may possess assets, and they will be classified as poor. As such, the elderly poverty rate could be overstated.
It's clear that means testing can direct limited resources to the elderly in need and achieve better results in poverty alleviation.
Low rents mean families have more resources to improve their quality of life and invest in the next generation, facilitating upward mobility.
Laws, especially those of a constitutional nature like the Basic Law, which have been formulated through reasonable legislative processes, should never be freely interpreted or lightly abandoned.
Real politics should work for the long-term and overall interests of the community.
A consensus on realising the goal of universal suffrage is not unattainable if we bear the common good in mind, move a step further, and try to resolve the differences or even stop insisting on some of one's own views.
In my opinion, serving the common good is the true purpose of politics and is also the perspective through which our community should consider constitutional reform.
Nobody wants a stalemate in constitutional development.
I firmly believe that the wider community supports achieving the goal of universal suffrage for 2017 according to law. I also believe most political parties do not want to see a failure to attain the goal.
Implementing universal suffrage for the 2017 election is a big step forward along our road to democracy. This is not only a solemn commitment of the central authorities to Hong Kong but also the aspiration shared by seven million Hong Kong people.
It is my earnest hope that all parties across the political spectrum will bear Hong Kong's long-term interests in mind, apply their political wisdom, and seek a consensus through open and rational communication with people of different views.
We should widen our economic base and encourage businesses to move up the value chain and increase job diversity.
Hong Kong needs population growth to cope with a rapidly ageing population.
A well-educated, hard-working, flexible, and enterprising workforce has always been one of Hong Kong's greatest strengths.
We should strive to be the most sophisticated and efficient platform for the world to do business with the mainland and for Chinese enterprises to be connected with the world.
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